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For over two years following expropriation, the oil companies made extravagant demands for compensation, which the Mexicans repeatedly rejected. Government supported the oil companies until the Second World War began in Europe, at which point it pressured them to accept a settlement.

Finally, on April 18, , the U. Efforts to secure the re-admission of the foreign oil companies in Mexico proved to be a failure, however. This proved unacceptable to both the U. Government and oil companies. Finally, in , the U. Government abandoned its efforts to re-open the Mexican oil industry after several failed attempts to use government loans as leverage. By this time, American oil companies had begun losing interest in Mexico and preferred operating under the more favorable conditions found in the Middle East and Venezuela.

Menu Menu. It has been repeated ad nauseam that the oil industry has brought additional capital for the development and progress of the country. This assertion is an exaggeration. For many years throughout the major period of their existence, oil companies have enjoyed great privileges for development and expansion, including customs and tax exemptions and innumerable prerogatives; it is these factors of special privilege, together with the prodigious productivity of the oil deposits granted them by the Nation often against public will and law, that represent almost the total amount of this so-called capital.

Potential wealth of the Nation; miserably underpaid native labor; tax exemptions; economic privileges; governmental tolerance — these are the factors of the boom of the Mexican oil industry. Let us now examine the social contributions of the companies. In how many of the villages bordering on the oil fields is there a hospital, or school or social center, or a sanitary water supply, or an athletic field, or even an electric plant fed by the millions of cubic meters of natural gas allowed to go to waste?

What center of oil production, on the other hand, does not have its company police force for the protection of private, selfish, and often illegal interests? These organizations, whether authorized by the Government or not, are charged with innumerable outrages, abuses, and murders, always on behalf of the companies that employ them. Who is not aware of the irritating discrimination governing construction of the company camps?

Comfort for the foreign personnel; misery, drabness, and insalubrity for the Mexicans. Refrigeration and protection against tropical insects for the former; indifference and neglect, medical service and supplies always grudgingly provided, for the latter; lower wages and harder, more exhausting labor for our people. An avowed Cardenista and a brother of martyred revolutionary hero Felipe Carrillo Puerto, Gualberto Carrillo Puerto proved to be a profiteer dedicated to trading on his brother's name.

The other general problem with camarilla politics was that it both lacked transparency and limited access to power. Yet Cardenismo, despite its hope to build upon remnants of both Salvador Alvarado and Felipe Carrillo Puerto's more progressive politics, was at times itself cloaked and hierarchical.

In fact, Cardenismo clashed with Yucatecan camarilla politics repeatedly. Not surprisingly, officials of the federal agrarian bank protested. The most important goal of the land redistribution, of course, was to create an agrarian structure that would free the rural poor from economic dependency on large landowners, enabling them access to economic tools that would benefit them.

We learn much about how specific Yucatecans imposed power over the majority population of the state. We learn of instances when Cardenismo Project MUSE promotes the creation and dissemination of essential humanities and social science resources through collaboration with libraries, publishers, and scholars worldwide.

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